Showing posts with label Water management. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Water management. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 2, 2015

Mexico: not enough water in a huge metropolis

Mexico: a thirsty city

 Danilo Antón
There are few cases in the world in which the physical environment has been so completely transfigured by urban development as it was in Mexico City. The valley of Mexico is a 9 600 square kilometre closed basin that is more than 2 200 metres above sea level, in the heart of the Mexican neovolcanic belt. Before the arrival of Europeans in 1521, the valley was a depression in whose bottom several large lakes had developed because of volcanic obstruction of their outlets about 700 thousand years ago. The lakes covered a total area of about 2 thousand square kilometres and were partly connected, especially during periods of high water. Three of the lakes contained fresh water — Chalco, Mexico, and Xochimilco — and the other three, brackish water — Ecatepec, Texcoco, the largest at 800 square kilometres, and Zumpango.
The area was, and to a certain extent still is, subhumid. Rainfall was probably slightly more than the current amount, which ranges from 600 millimetres per year at the bottom of the valley to 1 200 millimetres per year in the nearby mountains. The average temperature was relatively cool for the subtropic latitude at which the city is located, ranging from 8° to 15°C depending on the altitude. Soils were deep, highly fertile, and easy to work.
The land was completely covered by thick forests, particularly on the slopes of the mountains and highland areas. The plains in the valley, which were originally also covered by forests, were soon allocated for agriculture, and parts of the forest were cleared to make way for farms. In addition to the freshwater lakes, a large number of springs around the lakes and in the foothills of the nearby mountains provided considerable volumes of good-quality water.
Because of its abundant resources, the valley was occupied early by a number of indigenous peoples, who based their economy on locally domesticated crops and farm animals: corn, tomatoes, chili peppers, cacao, turkeys, dogs, honey bees, and fish. Because these people did not have draft animals or use the wheel, most trade was carried out by boat (or walking).
Several peoples successively inhabited and established political control over the lacustrine area during the few centuries before the arrival of the Europeans. The last group was the Aztecs, who arrived from the legendary land of Aztlán (probably in the northern arid territories) during the 14th century.
The Aztecs probably maintained a livelihood by fishing and trading with neighbouring groups. Gradually, they managed to build an island
in the centre of the Lake of Mexico on which a town developed: Tenochtitlán. Through alliances and wars, the Aztecs built an empire, and Tenochtitlán became a thriving city of several hundred thousand people. A bridge was built to connect the island with the mainland, and large boats transported people and merchandise. The Aztecs also built earth dikes to control flooding and to separate the brackish lakes from the fresh water. Aqueducts carried fresh water from springs to the city through the lake and along the dikes.
It is difficult to comprehend the extent of the changes that took place in the few centuries after the Spanish conquest. Today, the proud Tenochtitlán has disappeared, and only scattered archaeological remnants can be found. In its place stands the highly urbanized downtown area of Mexico City.
The Lake of Mexico is gone. In its place are several hundred square kilometres of urban neighbourhoods built on what used to be the lake bottom. A few canals and small lakes are the only remnants of Chalco and Xochimilco lakes. Like the southern lakes, the three northern lakes were gradually drained (beginning in 1786), and the former Texcoco Lake has become a vast flat plain on which little vegetation grows because of the highly alkaline soil (pH is over 10). An intricate maze of wells and pipes pump brine from the lacustrine sediments for sodium carbonate and sodium chloride extraction.
The old springs that provided water to the riverine populations are also gone. Now over 5 thousand wells draw more than 50 cubic metres of water per second from an average depth of 100 metres, causing the level of water in the aquifers to subside by as much as 1 metre per year. As a result of this overpumping and the compaction of the upper layers of sediments, widespread subsidence is occurring. The surface has dropped 6 metres in several places and, because of differential rates of subsidence, many structures have been weakened. This phenomenon has been exacerbated by frequent seismic activity, of which the most recent destructive example was the earthquake of September 1985.
The forests that used to cover the adjacent hills have practically disappeared, and widespread soil erosion occurs. Most former agricultural land has been covered by pavement, houses, and other urban
constructions. Quarries, which supplied construction materials, can be found throughout the region. Some have become garbage dumps, into which some of the annual 10 million tonnes of garbage is thrown. A significant portion of the garbage is dumped on the “shores” of the former Texcoco Lake, particularly in the south. Ciudad Netzahuatcoyotl, in that area, is a neighbourhood of 3 million people. Although recently established, this urban area is extremely degraded; developed areas alternate with garbage dumps and slums.
Water, which used to flow into the lakes, is channeled out of the basin, together with urban wastewater, through a system of canals and tunnels into the Gulf of Mexico hydrographic system. A number of pumping wells used to supply the city are located next to the canal (the Chalco Canal). Risks of contamination are obvious and, in fact, some wells had to be closed because of the presence of nitrates in the water.
The atmosphere of the valley has also changed. Emissions from 4 million vehicles and 25 thousand industrial establishments in a poorly oxygenated environment (because of the altitude) have transformed the air in Mexico City into one of the most unhealthy urban environments for human life, particularly near the downtown core.
Mexico City contains 21 million people, making it the largest urban centre in the world. Every year, its population increases by 750 thousand people, including both births and migration from the rest of the country. By the year 2000, the city will hold 29 million people (surpassing the population of Canada) and, by 2010, 38 million. If corrective measures are not taken, the city’s problems will continue to grow, and the ancient paradise may become one of the worst environmental nightmares of the 21st century.
The aquifer underlying the valley of Mexico is one of the key natural elements in Mexico’s environment. It provides the bulk of the water that makes the existence of the city possible. Although some water is brought in from the Lerma–Cutzamala basin, the volume is less than one-fifth of total requirements.
Any other option for bringing water from outside the valley is becoming impractical or too expensive. The Lerma–Cutzamala resources are almost exhausted, but using other basins (such as the
Balsas basin or the Amacuzac subbasin) may mean pumping water 1 200 to 1 500 metres upward and constructing long pipelines, storage reservoirs, and other expensive engineering works. Bringing this water into Mexico City will also deprive a number of communities that now depend on it for irrigation and other uses.
Mexico’s aquifer is contained in a number of Tertiary and Quaternary units with a thickness ranging from a few hundred metres to nearly 2 thousand metres. These units comprise a wide range of sedimentary materials. Continued volcanic activity produced huge volumes of pyroclastic material, which has been more or less reworked by fluvial action, and intercalated lava flows. During periods of volcanic activity, tuffs, breccias, ashes, and lava formed; at other times, alluvial and lacustrine action was more important. The main water-bearing layers are the Tarango formation and associated alluvia and the Cenozoic sequence of fractured pyroclastic and lava flows. These are covered by younger lacustrine sediments, confining the main aquifer.
The whole sequence can be up to 2 000 metres thick, but the lower 1 500 metres are more consolidated and less porous. The upper few dozen metres of the aquifer are too close to the upper lacustrine clays and continued pumping might produce dewatering and consolidation of these clays, causing subsidence. Therefore, the usable portion of the aquifer is generally between 100 and 500 metres underground.
The aquifer is recharged mainly in the mountain region (Sierra Chichinautzin in the south, Sierra Las Cruces in the west, and Sierra Nevada to the east). The total available recharge volume has been estimated to be 25 to 50% of precipitation: 25% in Sierra Las Cruces, 35% in Sierra Nevada, and 50% in Sierra Chichinautzin. Of these volumes, about half flows toward the valley of Mexico and the rest outward to other basins. An accurate figure for inflow to the aquifer itself is difficult to estimate (probably 30 to 40 cubic metres per second). However, it is certainly below 50 cubic metres per second — the amount being pumped out — because the water level is sinking.
Additional lowering of water levels will increase inflow from the Sierras because of an increase in gradient. This will not compensate for the deficit, however, particularly if pumping is increased. Precise forecasting of the aquifer’s reaction to prolonged extraction requires accurate modeling. Only recently has adequate information on the geometry and hydraulic properties of the reservoir been available. Modeling of the aquifer has been carried out at the Instituto de Geofísica, and it is expected to allow prediction of the actual potential of the groundwater resources of the valley.

It has recently become clear that the groundwater resources of the valley of Mexico are limited and that additional water will have to come from external sources. Such external sources are all found at elevations lower that that of the city. Therefore, tapping this water will not only require enormous energy consumption but will also deprive downstream communities of this vital resource. The bottom line is that the urban model of Mexico City is unsustainable. It has become too large for its territorial base. The city has not only run out of water, but also its air is heavily polluted, the local ecosystems have been destroyed or critically damaged, and the surrounding soils are under severe strain as a result of heavy urbanization. To check this continuous destruction of resources, radical policy shifts are essential. The window of opportunity to save Mexico City is rapidly closing.
From "Diversity, Globalization and the Ways of Nature", Danilo Anton, published by IDRC Books, Ottawa.

Wednesday, November 18, 2015

2) Water resources in the Brazilian Northeast; brief history

In ancient times the Brazilian Northeast was inhabited by numerous indigenous societies among which the largest were the tupinamba, the potiguara, the caete, the tapuia, the tupina and the tupinikin. These nations mainly dedicated to fishingi and roça farmingii . According to historical chronicles and documents the population for the whole region at that time could be estimated at several millioniii.
The arrival of Portuguese navigators took place during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century (Alvaro Cabral arrived by “accident” in 1497). In 1532, Martin Afonso de Sousa established two colonies in the island of São Vicente and in Piratininga (present São Paulo). Two years later King João III divided the coast in 14 hereditary captaincies, most of which were not occupied immediately. The Northeastern Captaincies were Maranhão, Pernambuco, Bahia and Ilheus).
In 1535, the city of Olinda was founded (in the territory of present Pernambuco), and in 1537, the city of Recife, also in Pernambuco, was established. In 1549 was founded Salvador in the Itaparica bay, and at a later date, João Pessoa (1585), Natal (1599), Fortaleza (1611) and São Luis (1612). During the sixteenth and seventeenth century the economy focused on sugar cane production, based on native slave labor. During that period indigenous people were captured and forced to work in the plantations. Mistreatment, disruption of communities and families, and repression, reduced native population dramatically and to compensate for the lack of labourers, African slaves were brought (also by force) from Africa to do the plantation work.
Descendants from those native populations and African forced migrants (including many who managed to escape and establish rebel communities or quilombos in the interior) represent the majority of the population in contemporary Brazilian Northeastern urban and rural societies.
The extremely unequal distribution of land property, as a result of concentrated grants by the Portuguese and Brazilian Crowns, which continued without major changes in the Republic period, as well as the highly inappropriate management of native ecosystems (logging and burning of primary forests and bush-lands, inadequate farming, over-grazing, over-irrigation) produced a badly degraded landscape.
During colonial times, the largest river of the region, the São Francisco, became the main route of penetration into the continent from the coastal Atlantic settlements. Bandeirantes (slave raiders) would navigate the river to capture slaves for the sugar cane plantations, and at a later date (early XVIII century) miners and other adventurers used the river to reach the gold producing areas of Minas Gerais (Ouro Preto).
During the nineteenth century the São Francisco became a transportation route for people and for merchandises produced in the interior.
The historical importance of the river São Francisco cannot be underestimated. Because it is the only river entering deeply into the continent from the Atlantic façade, it has been the backbone of many historical and political events in Brazil. It is called “the river of Brazilian unity”, and, in fact, it crosses vast expanses of the Brazilian interior and, in that way, provided one unique route for exchange and communication between communities, cities, producing areas and commercial centers.
However, the heavy exploitation of the basin, mainly through extensive processes of deforestation, produced deep changes in river dynamics and water quality. Droughts and floods became more prevalent, run-off rates and erosion augmented, and consequently, river water, presently loaded with sediments (i.e. clay and silt, even sand and pebbles) and increased turbidity, has lost a great deal of its original biological productivity.
During the twentieth century, several large water projects were developed in the basin, including the three largest dams (Tres Marias, Sobradinho and Itaparica) and numerous irrigation schemes. The dams produced a mixed balance: on the one hand, they reduced the sediment load arriving to the lower basin and regularized the flow, on the other hand there was increased evaporation in the lakes and consequently decrease in the average water available in the lower stretches of the river. Also, the lakes were utilized as sources of water for several irrigation projects in Minas Gerais, Bahia and Pernambuco introducing additional modifications to the São Francisco hydro-system.
Lately, a project of water transposition was proposed to deviate water from the São Francisco dams of Sobradinho and Itapacarica, towards several northeastern basins in the Northeast (i.e. Jaguaribe, Acodi, Piranhas and Paraiba rivers) and to smaller basins in Central and Western Pernambuco. This issue is explored in section 6 of this paper.

i Potiguara means “shrimp eaters”
ii Roça planting is done through partial logging and burning. Main crops included manioc, corn, sweet potato and tobacco.

iii It is difficult to know the exact numbers. Alfonso Braz wrote in 1551: “There are so many of them and land is so good and their increasing in such numbers, that if they weren’t constantly in war and eating each other the land couldn’t contain them” Source: “Red Gold” from John Hemming, 1978

1) Water  resources and management in Brazilian Northeast and the role of São Francisco Basin

Danilo Anton
The “nordeste brasileiro”, Northeast of Brazil, is located between the parallels 2o and 16o latitude South and the meridians 35o and 46o longitude West.
It includes the Brazilian states of Maranhão, Piaui, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraiba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe and Bahia with a total area in excess of 1,5 million km2 (about 18% of the Brazilian territory) and a population of almost 50 million people (more than a quarter of the total population of Brazil)i.
The climate of this region varies from semi-arid to sub-humid. The semi-arid zone, also called “drought polygon” (poligono das secas), which is included within the 800 mm isohyet occupies almost half of the total Northeastern area (800,000 km2).
This drought polygon has been definedii as a region with the following characteristics and limitations:
  1. xerophytic vegetation (mainly small thorny trees and bushes: caatinga)
  2. predominant crystalline basement
  3. shallow agricultural soils
  4. high evapo-transpiration (above 2,000 mm per year)
  5. low annual rainfall (less than 800 mm)
  6. rivers without permanent flow
  7. extreme hydrological events (droughts, floods)
  8. reduced specific run-off ((4 liters/ second or 1260 mm/ha/year)
  9. limited hydro-geological potential.
.
Farming production has been, and still remains, one of the most important economic activities in the nordeste.
In the more humid areas (generally along the coast) the “nordeste” has been traditionally, and still is, dedicated to cane plantation. Presently, a large proportion of sugar cane is processed for the production of alcohol fuel.
Other products in coastal areas are tropical fruits (banana, pineapple, etc), palm trees (for production of palmitos, margarine, etc) and several subsistence crops (manioc, beans, etc).
In the interior (sertão), tougher plants are cultivated (some for industrial purposes, such as cotton, agave and sisal, along with other subsistence crops: corn, beans and squash). The sertão is also an animal production area (cattle, pigs and sheep).
During the last decades, as a result of the development of industries and services, urban population has grown considerably to about 70% of the regional population. Some cities have particularly developed into large metropolis with the subsequent environmental and social problems. It is the case of Salvador, Recife and Fortaleza, each with populations exceeding 2 million people in their urban-suburban areas.

States of the “Nordeste”iii

States
Area, km2
Population
Density of population
inh./ km2

27 819
2 822 621
101.5
Bahia -

564 273
13 070 250
23.2

145 712
7 430 661
51.0

331 918
5 651 475
17.0

56 341
3 443 825
61.1

98 527
7 918 344
80.4

251 312
2 843 278
11.3
Rio Grande do Norte
53 077
2 776 782
52.3
21 962
1 784 475
81.3
Total
1 550 941
47 741 711
30.8


iReferences

According to IBGE the population of Brazil is 184.661.231 inhabs (Oct.2, 2005).
ii Source: Água doce no Semi-Árido, Vicente P.P.Vieira; in Aguas Doces no Brasil; IEAUSP and Academia de Ciéncias, pp.509-531, 1999.

iii Source: Wikipedia.org