The Kurds are one of the indigenous peoples of the
Mesopotamian plains and the highlands in what are now south-eastern Turkey,
north-eastern Syria, northern Iraq, north-western Iran and south-western
Armenia. Between 25 and 35 million Kurds inhabit a mountainous region
straddling the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Iran and Armenia. They make up
the fourth-largest ethnic group in the Middle East, but they have never
obtained a permanent nation state.
Today, they form a distinctive community, united through
race, culture and language, even though they have no standard dialect. They
also adhere to a number of different religions and creeds, although the
majority are Sunni Muslims.
The estimated Kurdish population is 36 million, of
which about 12-15 million are in Turkey, 6 million in Iran, about 5 to 6
million in Iraq, and less than 2 million in Syria and more than 1 million in
Europe and North America.
The Kurdish languages constitute a dialect
continuum spoken by Kurds in Kurdistan and the diaspora. The three Kurdish
languages are Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish), Sorani (Central
Kurdish), and Southern Kurdish (Palewani or Xwarig/Xwarîn).
A separate group of non-Kurdish Northwestern Iranian languages, the Zaza-Gorani
languages, are also spoken by several million ethnic Kurds.
Studies as of 2009 estimate between 8 and 20 million native
Kurdish speakers in Turkey. The majority of the Kurds speak Kurmani-
Why don't they have a state?
long history, the Kurds have never achieved a permanent
nation state
In the early 20th Century, many Kurds began to consider the
creation of a homeland - generally referred to as "Kurdistan". After
World War One and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the victorious Western
allies made provision for a Kurdish state in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres.
Such hopes were dashed three years later, however, when the
Treaty of Lausanne, which set the boundaries of modern Turkey, made no
provision for a Kurdish state and left Kurds with minority status in their
respective countries. Over the next 80 years, any move by Kurds to set up an
independent state was brutally quashed.
urdish Peshmerga fighters have been fighting IS militants in
northern Iraq
In mid-2013, the jihadist group Islamic State (IS) turned
its sights on three Kurdish enclaves that bordered territory under its control
in northern Syria. It launched repeated attacks that until mid-2014 were
repelled by the People's Protection Units (YPG) - the armed wing of the Syrian
Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD).
An IS advance in northern Iraq in June 2014 also drew that
country's Kurds into the conflict. The government of Iraq's autonomous
Kurdistan Region sent its Peshmerga forces to areas abandoned by the Iraqi
army.
In August 2014, the jihadists launched a surprise offensive
and the Peshmerga withdrew from several areas. A number of towns inhabited by
religious minorities fell, notably Sinjar, where IS militants killed or
captured thousands of Yazidis.
military personnel did not intervene in the battle for Kobane
In response, a US-led multinacional coalition launched
aire strikes in northern Iraq and sent military advisers to help the
Peshmerga. The YPG and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which has fought for
Kurdish autonomy in Turkey for three decades and has bases in Iraq, also came
to their aid.
In September 2014, IS launched an assault on the enclave
around the northern Syrian Kurdish town of Kobane, forcing tens of thousands of
people to flee across the nearby Turkish border. Despite the proximity of the
fighting, Turkey refused to attack IS positions or allow Turkish Kurds to cross
to defend it.
In January 2015, after a battle that left at least 1,600
people dead, Kurdish forces regained control of Kobane.
The Kurds - fighting alongside several local Arab militias
under the banner of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) alliance, and helped by
US-led coalition air strikes, weapons and advisers - then steadily drove IS out
of tens of thousands of square kilometres of territory in north-eastern Syria
and established control over a large stretch of the border with Turkey.
In October 2017, SDF fighters captured the de facto IS
capital of Raqqa and then advanced south-eastwards into the neighbouring
province of Deir al-Zour - the jihadists' last major foothold in Syria.e
Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) alliance captured the IS stronghold
of Raqqa
The last pocket of territory held by IS in Syria - around
the village of Baghouz - fell to the SDF in March 2019. The SDF hailed the
"total elimination" of the IS "caliphate", but it warned
that jihadist sleeper cells remained "a great threat".
The SDF was also left to deal with the thousands of
suspected IS militants captured during the last two years of the battle, as
well as tens of thousands of displaced women and children associated with IS
fighters. The US called for the repatriation of foreign nationals among them,
but most of their home countries refused. holding 70,000 civilians who fled
areas once held by IS
In October 2019, US troops pulled back from the border with
Turkey after the country's president said it was about to launch an operation
to set up a 32km (20-mile) deep "safe zone" clear of YPG fighters and
resettle up to 2 million Syrian refugees there. The SDF said it had been
"stabbed in the back" by the US and warned that the offensive might
reverse the defeat of IS, the fight against which it said it could no longer
prioritise.
Turkish troops and allied Syrian rebels made steady gains in
the first few days of the operation. In response, the SDF turned to the Syrian
government for help and reached a deal for the Syrian army to deploy along the
border.
The Syrian government has vowed to take back control of all
of Syria.
Why does Turkey see Kurds as a threat?
eader Abdullah Ocalan has been imprisoned by Turkey since
1999
There is deep-seated hostility between the Turkish state and
the country's Kurds, who constitute 15% to 20% of the population.
Kurds received harsh treatment at the hands of the Turkish
authorities for generations. In response to uprisings in the 1920s and 1930s,
many Kurds were resettled, Kurdish names and costumes were banned, the use of
the Kurdish language was restricted, and even the existence of a Kurdish ethnic
identity was denied, with people designated "Mountain Turks".
In 1978, Abdullah Ocalan established the PKK, which called
for an independent state within Turkey. Six years later, the group began an
armed struggle. Since then, more than 40,000 people have been killed and
hundreds of thousands displaced.
Image copyrightAFPImage captionMore than 40,000 people have
been killed since the PKK launched an armed struggle in 1984
In the 1990s the PKK rolled back on its demand for
independence, calling instead for greater cultural and political autonomy, but
continued to fight. In 2013, a ceasefire was agreed after secret talks were
held.
The ceasefire collapsed in July 2015, after a suicide
bombing blamed on IS killed 33 young activists in the mainly Kurdish town of
Suruc, near the Syrian border. The PKK accused the authorities of complicity
and attacked Turkish soldiers and police. The Turkish government subsequently
launched what it called a "synchronised war on terror" against the
PKK and IS.
Since then, several thousand people - including hundreds of
civilians - have been killed in clashes in south-eastern Turkey.
Image copyrightAFPImage captionThe city of Cizre was
devastated by fighting between Turkish forces and the PKK
Turkey has maintained a military presence in northern Syria
since August 2016, when it sent troops and tanks over the border to support a
Syrian rebel offensive against IS. Those forces captured the key border town of
Jarablus, preventing the YPG-led SDF from seizing the territory itself and
linking up with the Kurdish enclave of Afrin to the west.
In 2018, Turkish troops and allied Syrian rebels launched an
operation to expel YPG fighters from Afrin. Dozens of civilians were killed and
tens of thousands displaced.
Turkey's government says the YPG and the PYD are extensions
of the PKK, share its goal of secession through armed struggle, and are
terrorist organisations that must be eliminated.
What do Syria's Kurds want?
nion Party (PYD) is the dominant force in Syria's Kurdish
regions
Kurds make up between 7% and 10% of Syria's population. Before
the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad began in 2011 most lived in the
cities of Damascus and Aleppo, and in three, non-contiguous areas around
Kobane, Afrin, and the north-eastern city of Qamishli.
Syria's Kurds have long been suppressed and denied basic
rights. Some 300,000 have been denied citizenship since the 1960s, and Kurdish
land has been confiscated and redistributed to Arabs in an attempt to
"Arabize" Kurdish regions.
When the uprising evolved into a civil war, the main Kurdish
parties publicly avoided taking sides. In mid-2012, government forces withdrew
to concentrate on fighting the rebels elsewhere, and Kurdish groups took
control in their wake.G has emerged as a key ally of the US-led coalition
battle against IS
In January 2014, Kurdish parties - including the dominant
Democratic Union Party (PYD) - declared the creation of "autonomous
administrations" in the three "cantons" of Afrin, Kobane and
Jazira.
In March 2016, they announced the establishment of a
"federal system" that included mainly Arab and Turkmen areas captured
from IS.
creation of a federal system in Kurdish-controlled northern
Syria was announced in 2016
The PYD says it is not seeking independence, but insists
that any political settlement to end the conflict in Syria must include legal
guarantees for Kurdish rights and recognition of Kurdish autonomy.
President Assad has vowed to retake "every inch"
of Syrian territory, whether by negotiations or military force. His government
has also rejected Kurdish demands for autonomy, saying that "nobody in
Syria accepts talk about independent entities or federalism".
deal agreed by the KDP and Iraq's government in 1970
collapsed four years later
Kurds make up an estimated 15% to 20% of Iraq's population. They
have historically enjoyed more national rights than Kurds living in
neighbouring states, but also faced brutal repression.
In 1946, Mustafa Barzani formed the Kurdistan Democratic
Party (KDP) to fight for autonomy in Iraq. But it was not until 1961 that he
launched a full armed struggle.million Iraqi Kurds fled into Iran and Turkey
after the 1991 rebellion was crushed
In the late 1970s, the government began settling Arabs in
areas with Kurdish majorities, particularly around the oil-rich city of Kirkuk,
and forcibly relocating Kurds.
The policy was accelerated in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq
War, in which the Kurds backed the Islamic republic. In 1988, Saddam Hussein
unleashed a campaign of vengeance on the Kurds that included the chemical
attack on Halabja.
When Iraq was defeated in the 1991 Gulf War, Barzani's son
Massoud and Jalal Talabani of the rival Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) led
a Kurdish rebellion. Its violent suppression prompted the US and its allies to
impose a no-fly zone in the north that allowed Kurds to enjoy self-rule. The
KDP and PUK agreed to share power, but tensions rose and a four-year war
erupted between them in 1994. and Jalal Talabani's PUK shared power after the
fall of Saddam
The parties co-operated with the US-led invasion in 2003
that toppled Saddam and governed in coalition in the Kurdistan Regional
Government (KRG), created two years later to administer Dohuk, Irbil and
Sulaimaniya provinces.
Massoud Barzani was appointed the region's president, while
Jalal Talabani became Iraq's first non-Arab head of state.
In September 2017, a referendum on independence was held in
both the Kurdistan Region and the disputed areas seized by the Peshmerga in
2014, including Kirkuk. The vote was opposed by the Iraqi central government,
which insisted it was illegal.
More than 90% of the 3.3 million people who voted supported
secession. KRG officials said the result gave them a mandate to start
negotiations with Baghdad, but then Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi
demanded that it be annulled.
The following month Iraqi pro-government forces retook the
disputed territory held by the Kurds. The loss of Kirkuk and its oil revenue
was a major blow to Kurdish aspirations for their own state.
After his gamble backfired, Mr Barzani stepped down as the
Kurdistan Region's president. But disagreements between the main parties meant
the post remained vacant until June 2019, when he was succeeded by his nephew
Nechirvan.
Reference:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29702440
Reference:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29702440


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